In order to combat organized crime, Latin America needs a regional security forces

Crime is the top public concern in all of Latin America and the Caribbean, since the organized criminal groups are increasingly overwhelming the local authorities and the national governments of out-maneuvers. Criminal violence is now undeniably a regional crisis that requires a regional reaction.

Traditionally, the United States as Latin America's most important security partners would start supporting its soldiers, police, public prosecutors and judges. But Washington can no longer be left in the midst of strong reduction in his foreign support.

For this reason, leaders in Latin America and the Caribbean should take the matter into their own hands – just like Europe recognizes their own need for strategic autonomy late. At the moment, despite the metastatic cross -border threats from organized crime in this fight, the governments of the region are largely alone, without a formal mechanism for collective measures.

When Latin America and the Caribbean come together to build a permanent security facility, they were able to turn the flood over the escalating violence and begin to build up the rule of law that is necessary to protect democracy and to build economic prosperity.

Democracy in balance

Organized crime Mafias is now acting like multinational companies with diversified sources of income and highly developed supply chains. This “newly organized crime” is a critical threat to democracy. Drug ranks are increasingly forming political landscapes through incentives and intimidation – – –Plata o Plomo. Gangster murdered Mayor in Mexico, promotes the legal crimes in the Andes and promotes political candidates in the region.

State reactions to escalating violence can also endanger democracy. The political leaders explain themselves and explain the nationals who expose bourgeois freedom. Trinidad and Tobago, overwhelmed by competing drug gangs, is the latest example that has pursued similar explanations in Honduras and Ecuador. In El Salvador, President Nayib Bukele still remains extremely popular for reducing violence, although they escaped civil freedom, independence of the judiciary and other important democratic protective measures. In the region, voters and leaders seem to be ready to take a similar way into account.

This double threat to democratic government makes a coordinated reaction all the more urgent. Such an answer was partly lacking in one of the most important successes in Latin America: Although it is the most violent region in the world, the intergovernmental armed conflict is extremely rare. This has left the western hemisphere without a dedicated regional institution for security without the African Union's peace support operations in use, let alone something that resembles NATO.

The consequences in Haiti are most gluely. When the United States wanted to organize an international reaction to the in -depth crisis after the murder of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021, this first turned to the United Nations Security Council. Despite the apocalyptic gang violence, however, the UN Secretary General António Guterres hesitated to get involved, and China stubbornly rejected a peace safety mission. As a result, the United States coalitioned an unusual coalition under the direction of Kenyan police officers, which were paid by the USA and Canada and supported by a patchwork by soldiers from Central America. Violence and displacement have deteriorated and the capital Port-Au-Prince is increasingly being controlled by war lords.

Individually, national police forces and the military can only do so much. Ecuador is another example. The security institutions have introduced an impressive reaction to threats from criminal gangs, some of which are bound to important Mexican cartels. Nevertheless, Ecuador will only be successful if it does not work with Mexico, an unlikely view that gives a regional security platform in view of its exhausting relationships, since the Ecuadorian security services searched the Mexican embassy last year to arrest a former vice president.

Construction solutions

Fortunately, the security forces across America recognize that the extent of the challenge requires close -border cooperation. Brazil, for example, meets Defense Minister from all over Amazon, where the criminal organizations of Primeiro Comando da Capital and Comando do Norte criminal units influence. On a smaller scale, Impacs – the Caribbean Implementation Agency for Crime and Security – deals with a potential model for a regional project.

Similarly, Interamican Development Bank (IDB), which is better known for the promotion of economic development, started a regional initiative to combat organized crime. The Allianz for Security, Justice and Development brought together 18 of the countries in the region and 11 international organizations, including the organization of American states, the World Bank and the United Nations development program. The multilateral development bank (Corporación Andina de Fomento) also sets the financing aside to combat crime. These efforts reflect a growing understanding that spiral violence undermines in every campaign to reduce poverty.

In a way, the IDB project is the most promising. It stands open to participation from all over the region and not only includes coordination not only in military and security managers, but also in other agencies that play a role in combating criminal groups such as officials from the Ministry of Justice and Finance, fighting money laundering. In the past, the initiatives of the organization of American states and the former UnaSur were largely limited to the armed forces – intensive, which traditionally only reluctant to use domestic law enforcement agencies and a lack of experience in criminal investigations. Similarly, Ameripol (the police community of America) is headquartered in Bogotá, Colombia, a helpful platform for working with the police, including parts of secret services.

Scalate

These are promising steps, but they are not enough. The region needs a formal collective security agreement and permanent obligations. Even missing US support, nations with robust peace experience such as Brazil, Chile and Uruguay are in a good position to manage a regional security organization. In addition, eight Latin American nations for Peace Training Institutions (PKTIS), which could be new to regional security coordination.

This year, the Dominican Republic, which is deeply affected by Haitis turbulence, will organize America's summit, a meeting with President and Prime Minister that takes place every three years. It will offer a valuable opportunity to discuss an ambitious regional security initiative.

In addition to political will, credibility will be a great challenge. Every regional security organization would have to guarantee strict internal security and ethics protocols. It would have to involve robust right -wing training and carry out its officials of protective measures such as careful review, regular polygraphs and personal financial surveillance.

And then there is the problem of money, especially after a decade of regional economic stagnation and a new restraint of Washington, to finance multilateral initiatives. Nevertheless, there are promising precedents. At the end of 2023, for example, the UN Security Council agreed to pay up to 75% of international peace operations in Africa after the African Union undertook to search for the remaining means. America could pursue a similar arrangement.

Without a credible, collective reaction, the region risked deeper into a cycle of violence, democratic erosion and economic decline. With determination and cooperation, Latin America and the Caribbean can take another course – one that depends less on the United States and is defined by security, justice and shared prosperity.

About the authors

Ana Janaina Nelson

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Nelson is the former Deputy Defense Minister of the Western Hemisphere of the US Department of Defense.

Benjamin N. Gedan

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Gedan is a former director of South America on the National Security Council.

Tags: Ecuador, Haiti, organized crime, security

All opinions expressed in this piece do not necessarily reflect that of America quarterly Or his publishers.