Greek democracy is broken down

This article was first published in Volume 54, issue 1 of our print edition of Index on Censurship entitled The Forgotten Patients: Lost Voices in the global health system, published on April 11, 2025. Read more about the topic here.

In August 2022, one of the largest surveillance scandals in modern Greek history came to light. Often referred to as Greek Watergate, it revealed that officials from the government and the National Secret Service (EYP), including the employees of the Prime Minister Kyriako's Mittsotakis, in which Predator were involved – a spyware tool that was developed by the former Israeli military personnel.

The founding company Intellexa had sold several licenses to the EYP, and according to reports from the Guardian, Reuters and elsewhere, the EYP had then sent messages with which mobile phones were infected and the electronic monitoring of certain people was infected.

Hundreds were targeted, including political opponents of the ruling New Democracy Party, journalists and even government ministers. Among the targeted politicians was Nikos Androulakis, leader of the Panhellenische Socialist movement (Pasok) and leader of the opposition.

The Greek government continues to deny that they have ever bought or used predators. On August 5, 2022, Mitsotakis reacted to revelations of the link during a live television address. His inability to provide credible explanations of how the EYP increased the spyware in connection with its rejection of the knowledge of the scandal, increased the suspicion of politicians and journalists. In particular, he had restructured the EYP on the first day of his Premiership in 2019 and put it directly under the control of the Prime Minister's office. As a result, many asked how he could not have known such activities.

Almost three years have passed since the scandal was created, but most of the questions remain unanswered. The prosecutor, who examined the case, closed the investigation last July and refused to continue to grill people who were connected to the use of predators.

The government has supposedly affected aspects of the investigation – including the consultations of certain committees – and hindered the work of supervisory authorities such as the communication security regulation authority, Politico reported.

In the meantime, the courts have refused to prioritize journalistic and investigation efforts that continue to uncover evidence in connection with the listening activities.

It is not surprising that the government's measures went beyond the hidden surveillance. Many people supposedly examined the commitment of Mitsotakis' nephew Grigoris Dimitriadis, the former general secretary in the office of the Prime Minister through aggressive lawsuits against journalists and media who examine the scandal, including Efimerida Ton Syntacton and Reporter United.

These were not only ordinary complaints, but strategic lawsuits against public participation (Slapps)-consciously initiated legal measures to intimidate and mute critics.

The party that submits a slapp – in this case Dimitriadis – usually does not intend to win the case. The aim is to overwhelm the accused with legal expenses, fear and exhaustion, which ultimately forces them to set their reporting or opposition.

As he examined how the surveillance activities were carried out, Greek journalists managed to uncover something far more than they expected – a system that undermines the democratic standards that were normally confirmed by EU member states.

In this regard, Mitsotakis is closely similar to the Hungary Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who systematically controlled media organizations by putting them under direct supervision and suppressing criticism and disagreements.

Corruption under Mitsotaki's administration has flourished since 2019, and the government seems to deal with the preference and a deliberate disassembly of fundamental human rights and undermine the basics of democracy in Greece.

He also provided the press with the financing Sowohl during the Covid 19 pandemic as well as in the middle of the Ukraine Russia conflict, which was widely condemned to check certain media financially.

Financing concluded certain newspapers that criticized the government and expressed concerns about the selective support of state -friendly sources, but included right -wing extremist publications, which with Kyriakos Velopoulos (a MP that is known for the spread of disinformation) and even non -existent news representatives.

The government was accused of using an extensive network of online roles on X and Tikok for damage control, including a dedicated war area called Omada Alithias, which serves as a mouthpiece. These operations systematically target voices, critical media and investigative journalists in particular those who have exposed the listening scandal-through coordinated attacks and gas light tactics. This included playing the scandal and rejection of the investigative work as fake messages.

The effects on freedom of the press were bad, whereby reporters without limits (RSF) confirmed some of the worst fears of journalists. In the RSF index, Greece rose to 107th position in 2023 before it improved somewhat in 2024 that rose to 88. Despite the concerns of RSF, Mitsotakis rejected the results of the organization and described the criticism of Greece's freedom of the press as “crap”.

Studies show that democratic deficit begins with media manipulation and the imposing of excessive control – tactics that Mitsotakis has prioritized since the beginning of his term.

The situation in Greece shows a complex phenomenon described by the Dutch political scientist Matthijs Roduijn as a “snowball effect”. Centralized parties, which were previously considered to be moderate, as new democracy, are increasingly talking under a liberal facade with the explicit intention to undermine democratic norms.

Cases such as the illustration seen in Greece that Europe is not only confronted with an existential threat to its democratic institutions, but also with the risk of normalizing illiberal politics. This disturbing trend is underlined by the increasingly permissible approach of the EU for surveillance, in which the potential consequences are recognized, but the political measures are still insufficiently implemented.

In addition, the persistent erosion of press freedoms further exacerbates the susceptibility of democracy. These developments indicate a systemic weakening of the protective measures, and the problem is further illustrated by the narrow and often opaque connections between chosen civil servants who undermine the transparency. Without decisive and comprehensive interventions, Europe undermines the foundations that ensure its democratic resistance and integrity.

Greece serves as the main case study of this disturbing trajectory. The country had a military dictatorship from 1967 to 1974 before democracy was restored. It also has a serious socio -economic crisis from 2010 to 2019, the subsequent neoliberal restructuring of its economy and a recently revived neo -Nazism. Some of these phases of extreme instability are common in post -offhoritary countries that have difficulty maintaining the rule of law and democratic principles.

The inheritance of the listening scandal cannot be underestimated or overlooked. New democracy and its successors can try to preserve these oppression instruments, which may lead to another democratic deficit. Without fixed efforts to eliminate such practices, press freedom will continue to deteriorate without taking the legal protective measures that are necessary to prevent unconstitutional measures that can cause long -term damage.